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((a)The section on ancient history is contributed by Mahamahopadhyaya Dr. V. V. Mirashi, Nagpur University, Nagpur.)
((b) The sections on mediaeval and modern period are contributed by Professor B. K. Apte, Nagpur University, Nagpur.) |
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THE OLDEST VESTIGES OF HABITATION IN THE NAGPUR DISTRICT are furnished by dolmens and other sepulchral monuments which can be noticed within a radius of about 48,280 km. (thirty miles) round Nagpur in the vicinity of the villages of Koradi, Kohali, Junapani, Nildhoa, Borganv, Vathora, Vadganv, Savar-gailv, Hingana, etc. Some of these were opened first by Pearson and then by Hislop but their detailed reports are not available. They require to be excavated and studied scientifically. Hislop describes the as follows: “They are found chiefly as barrows surrounded by a circle of stones, and as stone boxes, which when complete are styled kistvaens, and when open on one side, cromlechs. The kistvaens, if not previously disturbed, have been found to contain stone coffins and urns.” Such sepulchral monuments are generally found to contain copper and bronze weapons, tools and earthen vessels. Some scholars find in these copper and bronze objects traces of the migration route of the Vedic Aryans. This culture is supposed to be later than that of the Indus Valley, of which no traces have yet been noticed in Vidarbha. With the advent of the Aryans we get more light on the past history of this region. It was then covered by a thick jungle. Agastya was the first Aryan who crossed the Vindhya and fixed his hermitage on the bank of the Godavari. This memorable event is commemorated in the mythological story which represents Vindhya as bending before his guru Agastya when the latter approached him. The sage asked the mountain to remain in that condition until he returned from the south, which he never did. Agastya was followed by several other sages who established their hermitages in different regions of the south. They were constantly harassed by the original inhabitants who are called Raksasas in the Ramayana. "These shapeless and ill-looking monsters testify their abominable character by various cruel and terrific displays. They implicate the hermits in impure practices and perpetrate the greatest outrages. Changing their shapes and hiding in the thickets adjoining the hermitages, these frightful beings delight in terrifying the devotees. They cast away the sacrificial ladles and vessels; they pollute the cooked oblations, and utterly defile the offerings with blood. These faithless creatures inject frightful sounds into the ears of the faithful and austere hermits. At the time of the sacrifice they snatch away the jars, the flowers, the fuel and the sacred grass of these sober-minded men.” (Muir's Original Sanskrt Texts, quoited in the previous edition of Nagpur Distrit Gazetter.) In course of time a large kingdom was founded in this region by king Vidarbha, the son of Rsabhadeva. His capital was Kundinapura in the Amravati district, which is still known by its ancient name. The country came to be known as Vidarbha after the name of its first ruler. Agastya married his daughter Lopamudra. He is ‘the Seer’ of some hymns of the Rgveda. His wife Lopamudra is also mentioned in Rgveda I. 179, 4, though Vidarbha is not named therein. The country became well-known in the age of the Brahmanas and the Upanisads. Bhima who is called Vaidarbha (i.e., the King of Vidarbha), is mentioned in the Aitareya Brahmana (VII, 34) as having received instruction regarding the substitute for soma juice. The Brhadaranyaka Upanisad mentions the sage Kaundinya of Vidarbha. Among those who asked questions about philosophical matters in the Prasnopanisad there was one named Bhargava from Vidarbha. The Ramayana in the Uttarakanda states the story of king Danda in whose time Vidarbha was devastated by a violent dust-storm. Danda was the son of Iksvaku and grandson of Manu. He ruled over the country between the Vindhya and Saivala mountains from his capital Madhumanta. He led a voluptuous life and once upon a time violated the daughter of the sage Bhargava. The sage, then cursed the king that his whole kingdom would be devastated by a terrible dust-storm. The whole country between Vindhya and Saivala extending over a thousand yojanas was consequently turned into a great forest which since then came to be known as Dandakaranya. It was in this forest that the Sudra sage Sambuka was practising austerities.(Ep. Ind. Vol. XXV, p.11) As this was an irreligious act according to the notions of those days, Rama beheaded him and revived the life of a Brahmana boy who had died prematurely. That the Nagpur region was included in the Dandaka forest. is shown by the tradition which states that Sambuka was practising austerities on the hill near Ramtek, about 45.062 km. (28 miles) from Nagpur. The site is still shown on that hill and is marked by the temple of Dhumresvara. This tradition is at least seven hundred years old, for it is mentioned in the stone inscription of the reign of the Yadava king Ramacandra fixed into the front wall of the garbhagrha of the temple of Laksmana on the hill of Ramtek.(Ibid, Vol. XXV, p.7.f) The Ramayana the Mahabharata and the Puranas mention several sacred rivers of Vidarbha such as the Payosni (Puma), Varada (Wardha) and the. Vena (Wainganga) and name many holy places situated on their banks. The royal house of Vidarbha was matrimonially connected with several princely families of North India. The Vidarbha princesses Damayanti, Indumati and Rukmini, who married Nala, Aja and Krsna, respectively, are well-known in Indian literature. Several great Sanskrt and Marathi poets from Kalidasa onwards have drawn the themes of their works from their romantic lives.
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As stated below, the region round Nagpur was flourishing in the early centuries of the Christian era, but the name of Nagpur is noticed for the first time in a record of the tenth century A.D. A copper-plate inscription of the Rastrakuta king Krsna III dated in the 8aka year 862 (A.D. 940), discovered at Devali in the Wardha district, records the grant of a village situated in the visaya (district) of Nagpura-Nandivardhana.(Ibid, Vol, V, p.196. For the identification of the donated village and its boundaries, see S tudies in Lindology, Vol.II,p.253 f) Nandivardhana, which was well-known as an ancient capital of the Vakatakas, is now represented by the village Nandardhan, about three miles from Ramtek. Nagpur, which was situated near it, may have marked the original site of the modern town of that name. Tradition, however, gives the credit for settling the town of Nagpur to the Gond king Bakht Bulanda of Devagad. He is said to have included in the new town twelve hamlets, laid streets and erected a wall for its protection. It is not unlikely that Bakht Bulanda chose to call the new town by the name of Nagpur since it was associated with the place from ancient times. Coming to historical times, we find that the country was included in the empire of the great Asoka. The thirteenth rock edict of that great Emperor mentions the Bhojas as the people who follow his religious teachings. The royal family of Bhoja was ruling over Vidarbha in ancient times. Since then the people came to be known as the Bhojas. A territorial division named Bhojakata (modern Bhatkuli in the Amravati district) is mentioned in a grant of the Vakatakas.(Fleet, C.I.I., Vol. III, p. 341) An inscription probably issued by the Dharmamahamatra placed by Asoka in charge of Vidarbha, has been found at Devatek in the Canda district.(Mirashi, Studies in Indology, Vol. I, p.109 f.) It records an order promulgated by the Dharmamahamatra interdicting the capture and slaughter of animals. It is dated in the fourteenth regnal year, evidently of Asoka. After the overthrow of the Maurya dynasty in circa B.C. 184, the imperial throne in Pataliputra (Patna) was occupied by the Senapati Pusyamitra, the founder of the sunga dynasty. His son Agnimitra was appointed Viceroy of Malva and ruled from Vidisa, modern Besnagar, a small village near Bhilsa. Vidarbha, which had seceded from the Maurya Empire during the reign of one of the weak successors of Asoka was then ruled by Yajna-sena. He imprisoned his cousin Madhavasena, who was a rival claimant for the throne. The sister of Madhavasena escaped to Mii!vii and got admission as a hand-maid under the name of Miilavikii to the royal palace. Agnimitra, who had espoused the cause of Madhavasena and had sent an army against the king of Vidarbha, fell in love with Malavika and married her. The Malava army defeated the king of Vidarbha and released Madhavasena. Agnimitra then divided the country of Vidarbha between the two cousins, each ruling on one side of the Varada (modern Wardha). Eastern Vidarbha thus comprised Wardha, Nagpur, Bhandara, Canda, Seoni, Chindvada and Balaghat_ districts. It was bounded on the east by the country of Daksina Kosala (Chattisgad). From the Mahabharata also we learn that the province of Venakata bordered on that of Kosala. The story of Malavika forms the plot of the play Malavikagnimitra of the great Sanskrt poet Kalidasa. Kalidasa does not state to what royal family Yajnasena and Madhavasena belonged and these names do not occur anywhere else. Still it is possible to conjecture that they may have been feudatories of the Satavahanas. From the Hathigumpha inscription at Udayagiri near Bhuvanesvar, we learn that Kharavela, the king of Kalinga, who was a contemporary of Pusyamitra, sent an army to the western region not minding Satakarni (Ep. Ind., Vol. XX, p. 71 f. Jayaswal's and Banerji's reading Musika in line 4 of this inscription is incorrect. Barua reads Asika which seems to be correct. For the identification of this country, see A.B.O.R.I., XXV, p. 167 f.). The latter evidently belonged to the Satavahana dynasty as the name occurs often in that family. Kharavela's army is said to have penetrated up to the river Kanhabenna and struck terror in the hearts of the people of Rsika. The Kanhabenna is the river Kanhan which flows about 10 miles from Nagpur. Kharavela's army, therefore, invaded Vidarbha. He knew that as the ruler of Vidarbha was a feudatory of king Satakarni, the latter would rush to his aid. When Vidarbha was thus invaded, the people of Rsika (Khandes) which bordered Vidarbha on the west, were naturally terror-striken. No actual engagement seems however to have taken place and the army retreated to Kalinga perhaps at the approach of the Satavahana forces. The Satavahanas, who are called Andhras in the Puranas, held Vidarbha for four centuries and a half from circa B.C. 200 to A.D. 250. Their earliest inscriptions, however, which record their performance of Vedic sacrifices and munificent gifts to Brahmanas are found in the Poona and Nasik districts. Towards the close of the first century A.D. they were ousted by the Saka Satraps from Western Maharashtra. They then seem to have found shelter in Vidarbha. No inscriptions of the Satavahanas have indeed been found in Vidarbha, but in one of the Nasik inscriptions Gautamiputra Satakarni, who later on exterminated the Sakas and re-occupied Western Maharashtra, is called Benakatakasvami, the lord of Benakatakataka (Ep. Ind., Vol. VIII, p. 65 f.). No satisfactory explanation of this expression was possible until the discovery of the Tirodi plates of the Vakataka king Pravarasena. II(Ibid., Vol. XXII, p. 167 f.). As shown below, these plates record the grant of a village- III in the Benakata, which must have comprised the territory on both the banks of the Benna or the Wainganga, now included in the Balaghat and Bhandara districts. Gautamiputra, was, therefore, ruling over the country of Benakata (or Venakata), before he. reconquered Western Maharashtra from the Saka Satrap Nabhapana. Gautamiputra was a very powerful king whose kingdom extended from the Arabian Sea to the Bay of Bengal and comprised even Malva, Kathiavad and parts of Rajputana in the north. His son Pulumavi was similarly the undisputed master of the whole Deccan. Yajnasri also, a later descendant of the family, retained his hold over the whole territory as his inscriptions and coins have been found in the Thana district in the west and the Krsna district in the east. Two hoards of Satavahana coins have been found in Vidarbha, one in the Brahmapuri tahsil of the Canda district (P.A.S.B for 1893,pp. 116-17.)and the other at Tarhala in the Mangul tahsil of the Akola district(J.N.S.I., Vol.II,pp. 83 f). The latter hoard, which was discovered in 1939, contains coins of as many as eleven kings. beginning from Gautamiputra Satakarni. Some of them such as (Gautamiputra) Satakarni, Pulumavi, Sivasri Pulumavi, Yajnasri Satakarni and Vijaya Satakarni are mentioned in the Puranas, while some others such as Kumbha Satakarni, Karna Satakarni and Saka Satakarni are not known from any other source. This hoard shows that the Satavahanas retained their hold over Vidarbha to the last. The Satavahanas were liberal patrons of learning and religion. As stated above, the early kings performed Vedic sacrifices and lavished gifts on the Brahmanas. Gautamiputra, Pulumavi and Yajnasri excavated caves and donated villages to provide for the maintenance, clothing and medicine of Buddhist monks. They also patronised Prakrt literature. The Sattasai, an anthology of 700 Prakrt verses, is, by tradition, ascribed to Hala of the Satavahana dynasty. About A.D. 250 the Satavahanas were supplanted by the Vakatakas in Vidarbha. This dynasty was founded by a Brahmana named Vindhyasakti I, who is mentioned in the Puranas(D.K.A., pp. 48 and 50.) as well as in an inscription in Cave XVI at Ajantha (Mirashi, C.I.I., Vol. VI, p. 102 f.). The Puranas mention Vindhyasakti, the founder of the dynasty, as a ruler of Vidisa (modern Bhilsa near Bhopal)( R. C. Majumdar and A. S. Altekar: The Vakataka-Gupta Age, p. 96.). His son Pravarasena I ruled over an extensive part of the Deccan. He performed several Vedic sacrifices including four asvamedhas and assumed the title of Samrat (Universal Emperor). According to the Puranas he had his capital at Purika (D.K.A., p. 50. I accept Jayaswal's reading Purikam Canakari-ca vai in place of Purim Kancanakam-ca vai.) (Altekar mentions that Purika is connected with Vidarbha (modern Berar) and Asmaka by ancient geographers. The Purika province is mentioned along with Vidarbha and asmaka in the Markandeya Purana ( R.C. Majumdar and A.S. Altekar : The Vakataka - Gupta Age,p.96) which was situated at the foot of the Rksavat or Satpuda mountain (Mirashi, C.I.I., Vol VI, p. xviii, f. n. 5.) He had four sons among whom his empire was divided after his death. Two of these are known from inscriptions. The eldest son Gautimi-putra had predeceased him. His son Rudrasena I held the northern parts of Vidarbha and ruled from Nandivardhana, modern Nandardhan, near Ramtek. He had powerful support of the king Bhava-naga of the Bharasiva dynasty who ruled .at padmavati near Gwalior who was his maternal grandfather (R. C.Majumdar and A.S.Altekar. The Vakataka-Gupta Age, p. 102). Rudrasena was a fervent devotee of Mahabhairava. He has left an inscription incised on the aforementioned slab of stone found at Devatek, which contains a mutilated edict of the Dharma-mahamatra of Asoka. It records his construction of a Dharma-sthana (temple). (Ibid., Vol. VI, p. 1f.) |
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Rudrasena I was followed by his son Prthivisena I, who ruled for a long time and brought peace and contentment to his people. During his reign this branch of the Vakatakas became matrimonially connected with the illustrious Gupta family of north India. Candragupta II-Vikramaditya-married his daughter Prabhavatigupta II to Prthivisena I's son, Rudrasena II, probably to secure the powerful Vakataka king's help in his war with the Western Ksatrapas. Rudrasena II died soon after accession, leaving behind two sons Divakarasena and Damodarasena alias Pravarasena II. As neither of them had come of age, Prabhavatigupta ruled as regent for the elder son Divakarasena for at least thirteen years (Ibid., Vol. VI, pp. 5 f. According to Altekar, she carried on the administration for a period of about twenty years.(R. C.Majumdar and A. S. Altekar, The Vakataka-Gupta Age, p. 112). She seems to have been helped in the government of the kingdom by military and civil officers sent by her father Candragupta II. One of these was the great Sanskrt poet Kalidasa, who, while residing at the Vakataka capital Nandivardhana, must have visited Ramagiri (modern Ramtek), where the theme of his excellent lyric Meghaduta suggested itself to him. (Mirashi, Studies in Indology, Vol. I, p. 12 f.) Prabhavatigupta has left us two copper-plate inscriptions. The earlier of them, though discovered in distant Poona, originally belonged to Vidarbha. It was issued from the then Vakataka capital Nandivardhana (Mirashi, C.I.I., Vol. VI, p. 6.) and records the dowager queen’s grant of the village Danguna (modern Hinganghat) to a Brahmana after offering it to the feet of the Bhagavat (i.e., Ramacandra) on Kartika sukla dvadast evidently at the time of Parane after observing a fast on the previous day of the Prabodhini Ekadasi. (Nandivardhana is most probably Nagardhan (also spelt as Nandardhan) near Ramtek about 13 miles north of Nagpur. This City is also identified with Nandpur, 34 miles north or Nagpur (R.C. Majumdar and A.S.Altekar: The Vakataka-Gupta Age,p. 114). Some of the boundary villages can still be traced in the vicinity of Hinganghat. |
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Divakarasena also seems to have died when quite young. He was succeeded by his brother Damodarasena, who on accession assumed the name Pravarasena of his illustrious ancestor. He had a long reign of thirty years and was known for his learning and liberality. More than a dozen land-grants made by him have come to light. One of them which was made at the instance of his mother Prabhavatigupta in the nineteenth regnal year is noteworthy. The plates recording it were issued from the feet of Ramagirisvamin (i.e., God Ramacandra on the hill of Ramagiri) and record the grant which the queen-mother made as on the previous occasion, viz., after observing a fast on the Prabodhini Ekadasi. (Ibid., Vol. VI, p. 34.) Pravarasena II founded a new city which he named Pravara-pura, where he shifted his capital some time after his eleventh regnal year. Some of his later land-grants were made at the new capital. He built there a magnificent temple of Ramacandra evidently at the instance of his mother who was a devout worshipper of Visnu. Some of the sculptures used to decorate this temple have recently been discovered at Pavnar on the bank of the Dham, 9.656 km. (6 miles) from Wardha, and have thus led to the identification of Pravarapura with Pavnar. (Ibid., Vol. VI, p. lx f.) Pravarasena II is the reputed author of the Setubandha, a Prakrt kavya in glorification of Ramacandra. This work has been greatly praised by Sanskrt poets and rhetoricians. According to a tradition recorded by a commentator of this work, it was composed by Kalidasa who ascribed it to Pravarasena. (Ibid, Vol. VI, p. liv.) Pravarasena is also known from some Prakrt gathas which were later interpolated in the Sattasai. Pravarasena II was succeeded by his son Narendrasena, during whose reign Vidarbha was invaded by the Nala king Bhavadatta-varman. The latter penetrated as far as the Nagpur district and even occupied Nandivardhana, the erstwhile Vakataka capital. The Rddhapur plates record the grant which Bhavadatta had made while on a pilgrimage to Prayaga. The plates were issued from Nandivardhana which was evidently his capital at the time (Ep. Ind., Vol. XIX, pp. 100 f.). In this emergency the Vakatakas had to shift their capital again. They moved it to Padmapura, modern Padampur near Amganv in the Bhandara district. A fragmentary inscription which was proposed to be issued from Padmapur has been discovered at the village of Mohalla in the Durg districts. (Mirashi, C.I.I., Vol. VI, p. 75 f.) The Nalas could not retain their hold over Vidarbha for a long time. They were ousted by Narendrasena's son Prthivisena II, who carried the war into the enemy's territory and burnt and devastated their capital Puskari which was situated in the Bastar State (Ibid., Vol. VI, p. xxvii.). Prthivisena II, taking advantage of the weakening of Gupta power, carried his arms to the north of the Narmada. Inscriptions of his feudatory Vyaghradeva have been found in the former Ajaigad and Jaso States (Ibid., Vol. VI, p. 88 f.). This elder branch of the Vakataka family came to an end about A.D. 490. The territory round Nagpur was thereafter included in the dominion of the other or Vatsagulma branch. The Vatsagulma branch was founded by Sarvasena, a younger son of Pravarasena I. It is also known to have produced some brave and learned princes. Sarvasena, the founder of this branch, is well-known as the author of another Prakrt kavya called Harivijaya, which has received unstinted praise from several eminent rhetoricians. The last known king of this branch was Harisena, who carved out an extensive empire for himself, extending from the Arabian Sea to the Bay of Bengal and from Malva to the Tungabhadra. The Vakatakas were patrons of art and literature. In their age the Vaidarbhi riti came to be regarded as the best style of poetry as several excellent works were then produced in Vidarbha. Three of the caves at Ajintha, viz., the two Vihara caves XVI and XVII and the Caitya Cave XIX were excavated and decorated with paintings in the time of Harisena (Ibid, Vol. VI, p. lxv f.). Several temples of Hindu gods and goddesses were also built. The ruins of one of them have come to light at Pavnar (Mirashi, Studies in Indology, Vol. II, p. 272 f.). Others are known from references in copper-plate grants. The Vakatakas disappear from the stage of history about A. D. 550, when their place is taken by the Kalacuris of Mahis-mati, modern Mahesvar in Central India. They also had a large empire extending from Konkan in the west to Vidarbha in the east and from Malava in the north to the Krsna in the south. The founder of the dynasty was Krsnaraja, whose coins have been found in the Amravati and Betul districts (Mirashi, C.I.I., Vol. IV, p. xlvi.). He was a devout worshipper of Mahesvara (Siva). That Vidarbha was included in his Empire is shown by the Nagardhan plates of his feudatory Svamiraja dated in the Kalacuri year 322 (A.D. 573) (Mirashi, C.I.I., Vol. VI, p. 611 f.). These plates were issued from Nandivardhana which seems to have maintained its importance even after the downfall of the Vakatakas. Svamiraja probably belonged to the Rastrakuta family. About A.D. 620 the Kalacuri king Buddharaja the grandson of Krsnaraja was defeated by Pulakesin II of the Early Calukya dynasty, who thereafter became the lord of three Maharastras comprising 99,000 viIlages (Ep. Ind., Vol. VI, p. 1 f.). One of these Maharastras was undoubtedly Vidarbha. The Rastrakutas, who were previously feudatories of the Kalacuris, transferred their allegiance to the Calukyas and, like the latter, began to date their records in the Saka era. Two grants of this feudatory Rastrakuta family have been discovered in Vidarbha-one dated Saka 615 was found at Akola and the other dated Saka 631 was discovered at Multai. They give the following genealogy (Mirashi, Studies in Indology, Vol. II, p. 29 f.) :- |
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(Known dates A. D. 693 and 713)
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About the middle of the eighth century A. D. the Early Calukyas were overthrown by the Rastrakutas. No inscriptions of the Early Calukyas have been found in Vidarbha, but their successors the Rastrakutas have left several records. The earliest of them is the copper-plate inscription of Krsna I discovered at Bhandak and dated in the Saka year 694 (A. D. 772) (Ep. Ind., Vol. XIV, p. 121 f.). It records the grant of the village Nagana to a temple of the Sun in Udumbaramanti, modern Rani Amravati in the Yavatmal district. Thereafter several grants of his grandson Govinda III have been found in the Akola and Amravati districts of Vidarbha (See e.g.Ep.ind., vol.XXIII,pp. 8f.; Vol. XXIII, p. 204 f., etc.). The Rastrakutas of Manyakheta and the Kalacuris of Tripuri were matrimonially connected and their relations were generally friendly. But in the reign of Govinda IV, they became strained. The Kalacuri king Yuvarajadeva I espoused the cause of his son-in-law Baddiga-Amoghavarsa III, the uncle of Govinda IV and sent a large army to invade Vidarbha. A pitched battle was fought on the bank of the Payosni (Purna) 16.093 km. (10 miles) from Acalapura, between the Kalacuri and Rastrakuta forces, in which the former became victorious. This event is commemorated in the Sanskrt play Viddhasalabhanjika of Rajasekhara, which was staged at Tripuri in jubilation of this victory. (C.I.I., Vol. VI, p. lxxix f.)
The next Rastrakuta record found in Vidarbha is the aforementioned Devali copper-plate grant of the reign of Baddiga's son Krsna ITI, which mentions the visaya of Nagapura-Nandi-vardhana. The Rastrakutas were succeeded by the Later Calukyas of Kalyani. Only one inscription of this family has been found in Vidarbha. It is the so-called Sitabuldi stone inscription of the time of Vikramaditya VI (Ep. Ind., Vol. III, p. 304 f.; Studies in Indology, Vol. II, p. 231 f.). From the account of Vinayakrav Aurangabadkar this record seems to have originally belonged to the Vindhyasana hill at Bhandak. It is dated the Saka year 1008 (A. D.1087) and registers the grant of some nivartanas of land, for the grazing of cattle, made by a dependant of a feudatory named Dhadibhandaka. Another inscription of Vikram - aditya's reign was recently discovered at Dongarganv in the Yavatmal district. (Ep. Ind., Vol. XXXII, P. 112 f.). It sheds interesting light on the history of the Paramara dynasty. It shows that Jagaddeva, the youngest son of Udayaditya, the brother of Bhoja, left Malva and sought service with Vikramaditya VI, who welcomed him and placed him in charge of some portion of Western Vidarbha. This inscription is dated in the Saka year 1034 (A.D. 1112). Though western Vidarbha was thus occupied by the Later Calukyas, the Paramaras of Dhar raided and occupied some portion of eastern Vidarbha. A large stone inscription now deposited in the Nagpur Museum, which originally seems to have belonged to Bhandak in the Canda district, traces the genealogy of the Paramara Prince Naravarman from Vairisimha. (Ibid., Vol. II, p. 180 f.). It is dated in the Vikrama year 1161 corresponding to A. D. 1104-05, and records the grant of two villages to a temple which was probably situated at Bhandak ; for some of the places mentioned in it can be identified in its vicinity. Thus Mokhalipataka is probably Mokhar, 80.47 km. (50 miles) west of Bhandak. Vyapura, the name of the mandala in which it was situated, may be represented by Vurganv 48.280 km. (30 miles) from Mokhar. After the downfall of the Vakatakas, there was no imperial family ruling in Vidarbha. The centre of political power shifted successively to Mahismati, Badami, Manyakheta and Kalyani. Men of learning who could not get royal patronage in Vidarbha, had to seek it elsewhere. Bhavabhuti, who ranks next to Kalidasa in Sanskrt literature, was a native of Vidarbha. In the prologue of his play Mahaviracarita he tells us that his ancestors lived in Padmapura in Vidarbha. As stated above, this place was once the capital of the Vakatakas and is probably identical with the village Padampur in the Bhandara district. (Mirashi, Studies in Indology, Vol. I, p. 21 f.). With the downfall of the Vakatakas this place lost its importance. In the beginning of the eighth century when Bhavabhuti flourished there was no great king ruling in Vidarbha. Bhavabhuti had therefore, to go to Padmavati, the capital of the Nagas in North India, and had to get his plays staged at the fair of Kalapriya-natha (the Sun-God at Kalpi) (Ibid., Vol. I, p. 35 f.). Later, he obtained royal patronage at the court of Yasovarman of Kanauj. Rajasekhara, another great son of Vidarbha, was probably born at Vatsagulma, (modern Vasim), which he has glorified in his Kavyamimamsa as the pleasure-resort of the god of love. He and his ancestors Akalajalada, Tarala and Surananda had to leave their home country of Vidarbha and to seek patronage at the court of the Kalacuris at Tripuri. Rajasekhara's earlier plays, viz., the Balaramayana, the Balabharata and the Karpuramanjiri, were put on the boards at Kanauj under the patronage of the GurjaraPratiharas. Later, when the glory of the Pratiharas declined as a result of the raids of the Kalacuri king Yuvarajadeva I, Rajasekhara seems to have returned to Tripuri in the train of the victorious conqueror. There his last play Viddhasalabhanjika was staged in jubilation at the victory of Yuvarajadeva over a confederacy of Southern kings led by Govinda IV in 'the battle of the Payosni (Mirashi, C.I.I., Vol. IV, p. lxxix f.). Another great poet of Vidarbha who had to go abroad in search of royal patronage is Trivikramabhatt, the author of the Nalacampu, in which he has given us a graphic description of several towns, holy places and rivers of Vidarbha. He flourished at the court of the Rastrakuta king Indra III and is known to have drafted the two sets of Bagumra plates of that king, dated Saka 816 (EP. Ind., Vol. IX, p. 24 f.). In the last quarter of the twelfth century A.D. the Yadavas of Devagiri came into prominence. They had been ruling over Seunadesa in an earlier period as feudatories of the Later Calukyas, but Bhillama, the son of Mallugi, declared his independence and soon made himself master of the whole territory north of the Krsna. He then founded the city of Devagiri, which he made his capital. His son Jaitrapala, killed Rudradeva of the Kakatiya dynasty on the field of battle and released his nephew Ganapati whom he had put into prison. Under Jaitrapala's son Singhana the power of the family greatly increased. He annexed the Kolhapur kingdom after defeating the Silahara king Bhoja in 1212. A. D. The first inscription of the Yadavas found in Vidarbha belongs to the reign of Singhana. It is dated in the Saka year 1133 and records the erection of a torana at Ambadapura in the Buldhana district of Vidarbha (Ibid., Vol. XXI, p. 127 f.). Many of the victories of Singhana were won for him by his Senapati Kholesvara who hailed from Vidarbha. He defeated Laksmideva the ruler of Bhambhagiri (modern Bhamer in Khandes), Paramara Bhoja of Cahanda (modern Canda) and Arjunavarmadeva, king of Malva, and devastated the capital of the Hoyasalas. He even pressed as far as Varanasi in the north where he put Ramapala to flight. Kholesvara constructed several temples in Vidarbha and also established agraharas on the banks of the Payosni and the Varada (G.H. Khare, Sources of the Mediaeval History of the Deccan (Marathi), Vol. I.). The former agrahara is still extant under the name of the village Kholapur in the Amravati district. Singhana was succeeded by his grandson Krsna, whose inscription has been found in the temple of Khandesvara on a hillock on the outskirts of the village Nandganv in the Amravati district. It is dated in the Saka year 1177 (A.D. 1254-55) and records the donations of some gadyanakas for the offerings of flowers at the temple of Khandesvara. After Krsna's death, the throne was occupied by his brother Mahadeva superseding the claims of the former's son Ramacandra. Mahadeva annexed konkan to his kingdom after defeating Somesvara, of the Silahara dynasty. He left the throne to his son Amana, but the latter was soon deposed by Ramacandra, who captured the impregnable fort of Devagiri by means of a coup d'etat (Ep. Ind., Vol. XXV, p. 205.f). He is the last of the independent Hindu Kings of Devagiri. He won several victories and in a grant of his minister Purusottama he is said to have driven out the Muhammedans from Varanasi and built a golden temple there, which he dedicated to Visnu (Ibid., Vol. XXV, P.207). A fragmentary inscription of his time is built into the front wall of the temple of Laksmana on the hill at Ramtek (Ibid., Vol. XXV, p. 7 f.). In the first half of it, it describes the exploits of Ramacandra's ancestors from Singhana onwards while in the second half it describes the temples, wells and tirthas on and in the vicinity of the hill which it names as Ramagiri. The object of the inscription seems to have been to record the repairs done to the temple of Laksmana by Raghava, the minister of Ramacandra. Another inscription of Ramacandra's reign was found at Lanji in the Balaghat district. It is fragmentary and has not yet been deciphered. In A. D. 1204 Ala-ud-din Khilji invaded the kingdom of Ramacandra and suddenly appeared before the gates of Devagiri. Ramacandra was taken unawares and could not hold out long. He had to pay a large ransom to the Muslim conqueror. He continued, however, to rule till A. D. 1310 at least; for a copperplate grant which his minister Purusottama made is dated in the Saka year 1232. He was succeeded by his son Sankaragana some time in A.D. 1311. He discontinued sending the stipulated tribute to Delhi. He was then defeated and slain by Malik Kafur. Some time thereafter Harapaladeva, the son-in-law of Ramacandra, raised an insurrection and drove away the Mohammedans, but his success was short-lived. The Hindu kingdom of Devagiri thus came to an end in A.D. 1318. Like their illustrious predecessors the Yadavas also extended liberal patronage to art and literature. During their age a peculiar style of architecture called Hemadpanti after Hemadri or Hemadpant, a minister of Mahadeva and Ramacandra, came into vogue. Temples built in this style have been found in all the districts of Vidarbha. In the Nagpur district they exist at Adasa, Ambhora, Bhuganv, Darsevani, Savner, Ramtek and some other places. Several learned scholars flourished at their court.Among those who hailed from Vidarbha, Hemadri was the foremost. During the reign of Mahadeva he held the post of srikaranadhipa or Head of the Secretariat. He was appointed Minister and Head of the Elephant Force by Ramacandra. He was as brave as he was learned and liberal. He conquered and annexed to the Yadava kingdom the eastern part of Vidarbha called Jhadi-mandala. Hemadri is well known as the author of the Caturvargacintamani comprising five parts, viz., (1) Vrata-khanda, (2) Danakhanda, (3) Tirthakhanda, (4) Moksakhanda, and (5) Parisesakhanda. Of these the third and fourth khandas have not yet come to light. Hemadri's work is held in great esteem and has been drawn upon by later writers on Dharma-sastra. Hemadri wrote on other subjects as well. He is the author of a commentary on Saunaka's Pranavakalpa and also of a Sraddhakalpa in which he follows Katyayana. His Ayurveda-rasayana, a commentary on Vagbhata's Astangahrdaya, and Kaivalyadipika, a gloss of Bopadeva's Muktaphala are also well known. Hemadri extended liberal patronage to learned men. Among his proteges the most famous was Bopadeva. He was a native of the village Vedapada (modern Bedod) on the bank of the Wardha in the Adilabad district of the former Hyderabad State. Bopadeva is said to have composed ten works on Sanskrt grammar, nine on medicine, one for the determination of the tithis, three on poetics and an. equal number for the elucidation of the Bhagavata doctrine. Only eight of these are now extant. The Mugdhabodha, his work on Sanskrt grammar is very popular in Bengal. Marathi literature also flourished in the age of the Yadavas. Cakradhara, who propagated the Mahanubhava cult in that age, used Marathi as the medium of his religious teachings. Following his example, several of his followers composed literary works in Marathi. They are counted among the first works of Marathi literature. Mukundaraja, the author of the Vedantic works Vivekasindhu and Paramamrta, and Jnanesvara, the celebrated author of the Bhavarthadipika, a commentary on the Bhagavad-gita are the most illustrious writers of that age. |
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The fall of the Yadavas of Devagiri marks a turning point not only in the history of the Deccan but also in that of the Peninsular India. Their fan facilitated Islam's penetration deep into the South.
Yadava
The Yadavas dominated the Deccan politics (EHD, p. 515.) in the thirteenth century. They claimed descent from Yadu of Puranic fame. Drdhaprahara was the first member of the family to attain some distinction (EHD, p. 516) in about 860 A. D. His successor founded the city of Seunapur probably modern Sinnar in the Nasik district. Later in the struggle between the Rastrakutas and the Calukyas, the Yadava King Bhillama II took the side of latter. He also participated in the overthrow of the Paramara King Munja (EHD, p.517.). For this help the Rastrakuta King granted Ahmadnagar district to Bhillama. Bhillama assumed the title Vijayabharana Ornament of Victory-for himself.
It was Bhillama V who for the first time assumed imperial titles for his dynasty in about 1187 A. D. (EHD, p. 520). He gained victories after victories but in the end met with a tremendous set-back in the struggle to maintain a hold over the Doab region between the Krsna and the Tungabhadra. In this struggle he was pitched against the Hoyasala King Ballala II on the battlefield of Soratur near Dharvar. The famous Yadava general Jaitrapala lost his life while fighting against the Hoyasala King (EHD, p. 525). This event took place towards the end of 1191 A. D. (EHD, p. 523). It is to the credit of Bhillama V that he consolidated the Yadava rule over Maharastra, carried successful inroads into Malva and Gujarat and occupied the whole of the Raicur Doab (EHD, p. 527).
The sorrowful defeat of Soratur was avenged by Singhana Yadava (C 1210 to 1247). The Yadava empire reached its meridian under this most able ruler. In the struggle for the hegemony of the Deccan Singhana was successful over his rivals the Hoyasalas and Kakatiyas of the south and the Paramaras and the Calukyas to his north. Roughly his territory extended to the south of the line joining Nagpur and Broac and was limited by the line connecting Girisappa and Karnul (EHD, p. 542). According to Hemadri the minister of Mahadeva Yadava and the inventor of the temple architecture known as Hemadpanti style, Singhana’s empire included the Chattisgad area. Some of the inscriptions claim that the kings of Mathura and Kasi felt the power of Singhana and one of his generals defeated a Muslim ruler. They also state that either King Singhana himself or his generals Kholesvara, Rama or Bicana defeated the kings of Sindh, Rohilkhand, Bengal, Bihar, Kerala and Pandya. All these high claims for Singhana appear to be more imaginary than real in the absence of independent and trustworthy evidence (EHD, pp. 540-41). However, it is significant to note that the arm of the Yadava power under Singhana had reached as far as Nagpur in its eastward expansion. Ramacandra Yadava (1271-1311) extended his sway over Vajrakar (probably Vairagad, eighty miles north east of Canda) and Bhandagara i.e., Bhandara, thirty-eight miles east of Nagpur. He then marched northward and took Tripuri near Jubbulpore. From here he proceeded to Benaras and restored it to Hindu rule. This event must have taken place after the death of Balban in A. D. 1286 and prior to the accession of Jalal-ud-din Khilji, when the hold of Islam over the outlying provinces was slack. This is evidenced by the famous Purusottamapuri plates of Ramacandra (EHD, P. 551.).
The eastern border of the Yadava kingdom under Ramacandra extended beyond the Wardha river, the traditional boundary line of Berar. Hemadri, probably took a leading part in the conquest of Nagpur, Bhandara and Canda beyond the Wardha river. Nagpur, Bhandara and Canda comprised the Jhadimandala i.e., the wooded territory. From the Lilacaritra i.e., the biography of the saint Cakradhara it seems that the Jhadimandala where he wandered was not far off from Acalapur i.e., Ellicpur. (Lilacaritra, Ekanka, p. 37-by H. N. Nene. Also see Samsodhana Muktavali, Sarga Dusara by V. V. Mirashi. Madhyaprades Samsodhana Mandala, Nagpur, 1957, pp. 196-97. The inscription of Ramacandra found at Ramtek speaks for the Yadava sway over Nagpur- Epigraphica Indica, Vol. 25, p.7.).
Thus we gather from the Ramtek inscription and the Lilacaritra that the district of Nagpur was at one time under the Yadavas of Devagiri. It formed part of the thickly wooded, country-Jhadimandala. It is quite natural that the region to the east of the Wardha river should be thickly wooded as it has had better rainfall than the region to its west. Nagpur under the Yadavas does not seem to have attained any political importance, like the western wing of the Yadava Kingdom.
By 1292 A. D. the Yadava power was at the height of its glory. It. however, began to decline fast when Devagiri was invaded by Ala-ud-din Khilji in 1294 (EHD, P. 552). Ramacandra Yadava was taken by surprise and completely defeated. He purchased peace by offering vast quantity of gold, the revenue of Ellicpur as annual tribute and one of his daughters to the victor Ala-ud-din. The pride of the Yadavas was humbled.
Sankaradeva, the son of Ramacandra, tried in vain to regain the lost independence. He was easily defeated by Malik Kafur the distinguished general of Alai-ud-din. The last ruler of the Yadavas Harapaladeva was defeated and killed in 1318 A. D. by Qutb-ud-din Mubarak Sah. By this defeat Maharastra passed into the hands of the Muslim rulers and Devagiri became a centre of Islamic culture (EHD, pp. 555-56). |
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Gondi Interlude.
From the fall of the Yadavas till the entry of the Moghals in Gondavana, the Gond Rajas were more or less free from any political domination. Even during the hey-day of the Yadavas, it seems that they were never, completely subjugated as their habitat was in the fastness of hills and forests.
Gondavana roughly includes the area running from Jubbulpore to Telangana, north to south and from west to east by the line joining the satapuda hills and the Chattisgad region. The Gonds are mainly divided into the Raja Gonds and the Khatoles. The former consider themselves as Rajputs or Ksatriyas. (NPI, pp. 9, 10.).
The principal Gondi kingdoms in the Gondvana area had their seats at Gadha, Mandla, Devgad, Candrapur or Canda and Kherala, on the northern slopes of the Satapuda. Besides there were petty Gond naiks in the Melghat styling themselves as Rajas. Of these kingdoms Gadha is noted in history because of its brave Rani Durgavati. The ambitious Moghal Emperor, Akbar, appointed Khvaja Abdul-Majid as the Governor of Karra conferring upon him the title of Asaf Khan. One of his valuable services was the conquest of Gadha ruled by Rani Durgavati. The Rani fought valorously against heavy odds and when helpless killed her self in order to escape the disgrace she would have been put to if taken a captive. Gadha had given no provocation to Akbar. Its conquest was an act of Imperial aggression, pure and simple. This historic incident is described in Tarikh-i-Alfl. (S. R. Sharma, Mughal Empire in India, Part I, p. 210.). After the Rani's death her son Bir Narayan resisted from the fort of Cauragad till he fell fighting. The kingdom of Gadha was offered to Candra sah as the Moghal vassal.
During the reign of sah Jahan the unfortunate ruler of Gadha, Hirde sah was attacked by Raja Pahad Sing Bundela. Hirde sah shifted his capital to Mandla. His successors fought among themselves inviting alternately Aurangzeb and the Marathas for help to put down the rival party. With the rise of Raghuji Bhosle the rules of Gadha and Mandla were once again subjugated and forced to pay tribute. Thus, with the advent of the Moghals-Akbar-in Gondavana and the rise of Raghuji Bhosle these kingdoms lost their independence and were reduced to the status of vassals.
The Gond rulers of Devagad are directly related with the history of Nagpur With the loss of independence of Gadha and Mandla, Devagad, too, was destined to go the same way. The Devagad house hailed from Harayagad, but shifted its seat, to Devagad under its founder Jatba. Originally Devagad was a feudal state under Gadha. However, when the latter passed under the Moghal rule, Devagad automatically became part of the Moghal territory. According to the Ain-i-Akbari when Akbar was the Emperor, Jatba, the ruler of Devagad, possessed two thousand horses, fifty thousand foot-soldiers and a hundred elephants. Jatba extended his kingdom as far as Nagpur and constructed there a fort as an outpost. The descendants of this family are yet known as "killevale -Raje" in Nagpur. (NPI, p. 28.)
According to a local Gondi tradition recorded by Craddock in the old edition of Nagpur Gazetteer, Devagad was originally a Gavali Kingdom conquered later by Sarabasa, a Gond king of Gadha. Jatba was the eighth descendant from Sarabasa. Historically it is Jatba who merits our attention and not his predecessors whose account is shrouded in legends.
By about 1600 A. D. Koka Sah, the son of Jatba, succeeded to the gadi. For the non-payment of tribute to the imperial treasury sah Jahan ordered Khan Dauran to raid Devagad territory. In 1637 A. D. Khan Dauran laid siege to the fort of Nagpur and blew off its bastions. Koka Sah hastened to Nagpur from Devagad and purchased peace by paying one and a half lakh of rupees and hundred and seventy elephants. Nagpur fort was restored to Koka sah.
Later, during the reign of Sah Jahan Devagad was raided twice, once by Sah Navaz and next by Aurangzeb as the Governor of the Deccan, with a view to extract its wealth. But poor Devagad was like a cow which had gone dry due to constant milking without proper feeding.
Koka Sah was succeeded by Bakht Sah or Bakht Buland the most distinguished ruler of the Devagad house. Bakht Buland was driven out of Devagad in the War of succession by his brothers. He appealed to Aurangzeb for help. Aurangzeb, a staunch Sunni, agreed to help on the condition that Bakht should embrace Islam. Helpless Bakht became a Musalman with the understanding that he would dine with Muslims but would continue to take brides from among the Gonds. Aurangzeb accepted this compromise and with the military assistance offered by him Bakht Buland regained his lost gadi. The descendants of Bakht continued to have marital relations with the Raja Gonds. They, however, performed their marriage ceremony according to the Hindu rites followed by those of the Islamic. Elastic Hindu religion has never taken serious note of such lapses but has given them a place within its fold.
Bakht Buland was a capable ruler. He extended his kingdom reaching up to the borders of Berar from north and east. He founded the city of Nagpur by joining the twelve small hamlets formerly known as Rajapur Barsa or Barasta. He constructed roads, divided the city into wards and erected a strong wall around as a protective measure. Part of old Nagpur is even today known as Burhan Sah's Killa named after the last deposed king of this house. Bakht Buland died in about 1706 A. D. His kingdom included the present district of Chindvada and Baitul and some portions of Nagpur, Sivani, Bhandara and Balaghat. During the declining days of the Moghal empire Bakht Buland raided the territory on both the banks of Wardha and drew upon himself the disfavour of Aurangzeb. Aurangzeb thereupon ordered that the title Bakht Buland meaning ‘of high fortune’ should be changed to Nigun Bakht-of mean fortune. Nothing is known of the army sent to punish Bakht. ' Nagpur attained importance under Cand Sultan, the son and successor of Bakht. Taking advantage of the fast collapsing Moghal empire after Aurangzeb's death, Cand Sultan captured Paunar in Berar, an important military station. It remained under him for more than twenty years. After Cand Sultan's death in 1738, his illegitimate son Wali Sah put to death Bahadur Sah, the legitimate heir and occupied the gad. The younger brothers of Bahadur Sah, Akbar and Burhan being teen-agers, their mother Rani Ratankuvar, the dowager, appealed to Raghuji Bhosle for help. This was a welcome opportunity for young Raghuji who was aspiring for power. At the request of the queen he promptly moved from Bham, his headquarters, defeated Wali and took him a captive. He then moved to Devagad and installed Burhan Sah on his ancestral throne. In recognition of his timely help Rani Ratankuvar gave Raghuji one-third of her kingdom. Later, when the two brothers Akbar and Burhan quarrelled with each other, the latter asked for Raghuji's help. Raghuji exploited the family dispute to his full advantage and became the de facto ruler of the Gond kingdom of Devagad. At present Jatba's tomb and some foundations of buildings are the only remains among the ruins of Devagad fort. The Gondi house of Candrapur or Canda like that of Devagad was destined to fall a prey to its powerful neighbour Raghuji Bhosle. This house originally hailed from sirpur on the west bank of Wardha. About 895 A.D. Bhlma Balla is said to have founded the kingdom. Relevant details of Candrapur are given under Raghuji's exploits in the following pages. According to Sir Richard Jenkins much of the credit for the development of agriculture, industry and commerce in Gondavana and Nagpur goes to Bakht Buland. He brought industrious settlers into his domain by offering them liberal land grams. The superstructure of the Maratha administration erected by the Bhosles stood on the ground work prepared by Bakht Buland. With due regard for the work done by the Gonds, for their bravery and simple virtue, it must be admitted that they remained in the backwaters of civilization. Administration under the Gonds. The administrative system obtaining in Nagpur and the territory to its east during the Gondi period was semi-feudal. Nagpur proper then formed part of Devagad below the ghats. The Raja Gonds ruled the tract known as Gondavana, and Nagpur formed part of it till it was conquered by Raghuji Bhosle I. The whole country under the Raja Gonds was distributed among a number of subordinate local chiefs known as Rajas, Rais and Thakurs. These subordinate chiefs exercised considerable power within their jurisdiction but recognised the authority of the Maharaja of Devagad in a general manner (RMSH, p. 182.). From Abul Fazal's account of the Gadha-Katanga Gondi Kingdom one gathers that a number of paraganas in the area were held by the Rajas. Obviously, such paraganas in the days of Abul Fazal yet retained the traces of the Gondi administration. The system of administration by subordinate chiefs existed in the Gondavana till the Marathas overran it. Those areas of Gondavana which remained unaffected by either the Moghal or Maratha influence naturally retained their semi-feudal characteristics peculiar to the Gonds. The Government of Damoh, for instance, was entirely feudal, unaffected as it was by foreign influence for a long time. This country was divided into a number of chiefships each having the headman of the clan who enjoyed the entire revenue and rendered military service to the Government whenever called upon to do so. The chiefs in addition had to pay an annual tribute of a jar of butter or one or two bamboo walking-sticks or the like. (RMSH. P. 185.) Similarly, the Gondi administrative system in the Narsingpur district was almost exclusively feudal. The district was divided among the feudatory chiefs who were bound to attend upon the overlord at the capital with a stipulated number of troops but were not required to pay revenue in money. In the Chattisgad area there existed greater chiefs and smaller chiefs prior to its conquest by the Bhosles. (Ibid p. 187) In Harrai in the Chindavada district where Gondi administration continued for a long time the tribute (takoli) was settled in chironji-nuts-and honey. (Ibid p.189.) Some useful details of Gondi administration in the Devagad above the ghats are presented here for, what was existing there was most probably obtaining in the Devagad below the ghats i.e., the Nagpur area in the pre-Bhosle period. The local chiefs called Thakurs took cognisance of petty crimes and offences in their area. They could levy fines and confiscate the property of the offenders. For good Government the Thakurs were to protect the travellers passing through their country and were responsible for any harm done to them within their jurisdiction. Further they were not to punish any person with death or mutilation or imprisonment beyond a certain number of days without reference to the Government. Petty offences such as abusing, beating, stealing were decided according to the customary rules. Adultery, rape, fornication, disputes about marriage, breach of observance of caste rules, etc. were settled according to the laws of the caste. Dispute between two Thakurs was to be judged by the overlord. Thus, within his own area the position of the Thakur was very strong. He was the head of the local minor clan,captain of the local levies and the representative of the authority of the Raja of Harrai immediately above him, and finally of the. Maharaja of Devagad. |
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A comparatively small domain was held, by the Maharaja, the surrounding area being under the local chiefs known as the Rais or Rajas. They were in complete subjugation to the Maharaja according to his military strength. They attended him with levies of local troops and definitely paid much more than a jar of butter or bamboo sticks. They had a free hand in internal matters. The major part of the estate was under the Thakurs who made contributions in cash and kind according to their means and provided a quota of troops for their service of the Raja. This structure of the Kingdom of the Raja Gonds of Gadha and Devagad, though common, was subject to modifications elsewhere. One of the striking features of Gondvana administration was the absence of hereditary officers like Desmukhs and the Despandes so common in Berar. The only hereditary officer in Gadha-Mandla was the registrar or accountant called beohar or sometimes gumasta who was always a Kayastha. Beohar is quite likely the corrupt form of the Sanskrt word vyavahara. In the semi-feudal semi-tribal Governments these hereditary officers were absent (RMSH, pp. 194-95). In Devagad and Canda, the original basis the same as in Gondvana. The Rajas were little more than feudal superiors of a number of petty chiefs. Their dependants contributed to them military service. The Rajas like other feudatories possessed a territorial domain in which they exercised direct authority. With regard to the land revenue system of Devagad i.e., Nagpur and Canda there were officers known as Desmukhs, This highly centralised administration through the Desmukhs, Despandes, Hudars etc., in the Gondavana appears an anomaly. It was certainly common in Berar. But its presence in some parts of Devagad Kingdom would mean that it was found there by the Gond Rajas already existing when they conquered it. In other words, the system of administration by Desmukhs and Despandes in some parts of Gondavana i.e., Devagad was remnant of the previous Khalsa or centralised system, and was continued by the Gonds when they conquered it. The Marathas, when they conquered the Gondi kingdoms of Devagad and Canda, therefore, found in some parts the administration by Desmukhs and Despandes not in fact indigenous to Gondavana. It may be noted here that in Devagad above the ghats the real home of the Devagad Maharajas which forms part of the present Chindavada district, administration by Desmukhs and Despandes was unknown Again, as late as 1801 A. D., the Pathan jagirdar of Sivani (Seoni) maintained a feudal state owing allegiance to the Bhosles of Nagpur as his overlord. (RMSH, pp. 197-98). |
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Bhosles of Nagpur Origin and rise The Bhosle family is counted among the royal or Ksatriya clans of the Marathas. The Bhosle house to which Chatrapati Sivaji, the founder of Maratha Kingdom belonged, hailed from Verul near Daulatabad. The Bhosles of Nagpur are known as Hinganikar as one of their ancestors who was probably a contemporary of Maloji, the grandfather of Chatrapati Sivaji rehabilitated the village Beradi near Hingani in the present district of Poona. The two brothers Mudhoji and Rupaji of Hingani-Beradi were contemporaries of Sahaji Bhosle the father of Sivaji. Like Chatrapati Bhosle house, the Nagpur Bhosle family, too, considers that it descended from the Sisodia Rajputs of Udaipur. It is quite possible that some Ksatriya clans of the Rajputs came down to the Maratha country from the north during the long ascendancy of the Muslims. Nevertheless, it is a historical fact that there were Ksatriya families in the Maratha country like the Rastrakutas, the Calukyas and the Yadavas, who had no relationship with the Rajputs of the north.
The family tree in the bakhar of the Bhosles of Nagpur denotes ancestors who were common to this house and also to the Bhosle house of the Chatrapatis. The Bhosles of Nagpur and the Chatrapati's house belonged to the same Ksatriya clan. However, there is no independent historical evidence to establish common ancestry between the two families in the few generations preceding Chatrapati Sivaji. The account in the bakhar of the Bhosles of Nagpur, therefore, has to be taken with a grain of salt.
In the biography of Chatrapati Sambhaji by Malhar Ramrav Citanis it is stated that after the death of Sivaji his obsequies were performed by Sabaji Bhosle, as Sambhaji, the eldest son was in confinement on the fort of Panhala. But James Grant Duff in his' A History of the Marathas', Vol. I, p. 243, says that Sivaji's funeral rites were performed by one ‘Shahjee Bhonslay’ (Sahaji Bhosle). There is no unanimity among contemporary writers about the person performing Sivaji’s funeral rites.
If, however, Sabaji Bhosle performed the obsequies there is every possibility that this Bhosle the ancestor of the famous Raghuji Bhosle of Nagpur was a known blood relation of the Chatrapatis. At the time of Sahu Chatrapati's home-coming when Tarabai and her partisans purposely cast doubt about Sahu being the grandson of Sivaji, it was Parasoji of the Nagpur Bhosle house who dined with Sahu and dispelled the doubt. Then again during the last years of Sahu's reign it was strongly rumoured that he would select an heir to the gadi of Satara from the Bhosles of Nagpur as he had no son. Later, the English offered to seat one of the Bhosle's of Nagpur on the gadi of Satara. All these events indicate the possibility of a common ancestor of the Bhosles of Satara and Nagpur though direct historical evidence is not yet forthcoming to establish the fact.
The two Bhosle brothers Mudhoji and Rupaji were contemporaries of Sahaji Bhosle and were noted roving soldiers. (NPI., p. 44.). Rupaji, it seems was residing at Bham in the district of Yavatmal where he had a jagir.(Ibid, p. 46.). He was childless. Of the sons of Mudhoji, Parasoji and Sabaji stayed with their uncle at Bham and served in the army of Chatrapati Sivaji.
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Parasoji Bhosle
Parasoji seems to have gained some distinction by his inroads into the territories of Berar and Gondavana during the reign of Sivaji. He exacted tribute from these regions. After Sambhaji's death when Rajaram succeeded to the throne of the Chatrapati Parasoji rendered him valuable help. In appreciation of his service Rajaram honoured Parasoji by presenting him robes, jari-pataka and the title of ‘Senasaheb Subha’. Gondavana, Devagad, Canda and Berar from where he had exacted tribute were given to his charge. (Malhar Ramrav Citanis Viracita Srimant Chatrapati Sambhaji Maharaja Ani Thorale Rajaram Maharaja yanci Caritre by K. K. Sane, Third Edition, 1915, p. 51). Parasoji was the first of the Bhosles of Nagpur to have received this honorific title. This grant was made in 1699 A. D. (NPI, p. 45,)
When Sahu was released by the Moghals, Parasoji was the first of the Maratha nobles to join him. Parasoji dined with Sahu in the same dish to dispel the doubt of the latter's royal descent. In 1707 Sahu conferred on Parasoji the title of ‘Sena suheb Subha’ and issued a sanad granting him and his successors in perpetuity ‘mokasa’ of the following places:-
1. Prant Ritapur and Sarkar Gavel, Prant Berar, Prant Devagad, Canda and Gondavana.
So far, for the grant of 147 mahals from the six Sarkars, there is no documentary evidence. (NBB, p.31 states that these Mahals were granted to Parasoji Bhosle. Independent evidence in support of this statement is not available. P. D., Vol. 20, p. 1. “The Early struggle of the Bhosles cannot yet be set down with accuracy, not a single paper relating to Parasoji the founder, of the Nagpur Rajas and first prominent adherent of King Sahu, having been hitherto discovered”). Parasoji the first Senasaheb Subha died at Khed at the confluence of the rivers Krsna and Venna in 1709, on his homeward journey from Satara. (NPI, p.50.) |
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Kanhoji Bhosle
Parasoji was succeeded by his son Kanhoji. Chatrapati Sahu granted Kanhoji his hereditary title and also some land at Khed for the maintenance of his father's memorial. Darva was taken by Kanhoji and he made Bham his headquarters.
In the struggle between the Sayyad brothers and Nizam-ul-mulk far the control of the Delhi affairs, the farmer received the support of Sahu. Sahu sent Bajirav Pesva and Kanhoji Bhosle against the Nizam. In the battle of Balapur fought an 10th August 1720, the Nizam came out victorious. Many Marathas last their lives. In the battle of Sakhar-Kheda, 1724, Kanhoji Bhosle offered to help Mubarij Khan against the Nizam, but Mubarij impudently refused it.
Kanhoji breaks his relations with Sahu
Kanhoji was a religious minded orthodox Maratha nobleman. It is said that he accepted food prepared by Brahmans alone. The religious bent of his mind was probably due to his having no son. He performed sacrifices, religious rites and observed fasts so that he should be blessed by God with a san. Kanhoji soon gat a son wham he named Rupaji. (Ibid, p. 56.)
Kanhoji it seems was hat tempered. He could not carry on well either with the Chatrapati or the Pesva (P.D., vol. 20, p. 1.). When called by the Chatrapati to explain the causes of his failure to pay the dues into the treasury, Kanhoji could neither pay the dues nor explain the accounts. The fact seems to be that he was not prepared to brook control with sahu. As the relations worsened, Kanhoji on 23rd August, 1725, decamped from Satara and hastened to the Nizam for asylum. The Nizam, however, did not back Kanhoji as Sahu reminded him that such an act was against the treaty entered into between them. When all attempts at rapprochement failed, Sahu set Raghuji Bhosle against Kanhoji. Raghuji had been asking Kanhoji, his uncle, far his share in the ancestral jagir. This had naturally strained the relations between the nephew and the uncle. Chatrapati Sahu in setting the nephew against the uncle exploited the family feud to his awn advantage.
After making the necessary preparations Raghuji marched in 1728 from Satara against his uncle. Sahu granted him the mokasa of Devur near Wai. Far this grant the Bhosles of Nagpur were also styled as the Rajas of Devur. Raghuji received the robes of Senasaheb Subha, sanads for Berar and Gondavana and the right to extend the levy of cauthai to Chattisgad, Patna, Allahabad and Makasudabad (Bengal).
Raghuji entered Berar via Aurangabad. Near Jalana Samser Bahaddar Atole objected to Raghuji’s taking the army through his territory as the old route passed through Nanded and Asti. Raghuji avoided an encounter with Atole and encamped at Balapur after crossing the Lakhanvada ghats. From Balapur Raghuji sent his armed men all over the Berar and collected tributes. Sujayat Khan Pathan of Akola serving under the Navabs of Ellicpur was easily defeated by Raghuji and his territory subjugated. Thus, after establishing his rule over a greater part of Berar, Raghuji proceeded towards Bham. the headquarters of his uncle, in 1730 A. D. The small fortress at Bham was besieged by Raghuji's army. He was joined by his other uncle Ranoji. Finding himself in a difficult situation Kanhoji escaped from Bham and ran for safety towards Mahur. He was hotly chased by Raghuji and Ranoji and overtaken near Mandar (Vani). In the skirmish that took place, Kanhoji was defeated and taken a prisoner. Kanhoji, the second Senasaheb Subha, spent the remaining part of his life as a prisoner at Satara. (NPI, pp. 58-64) At one time Kanhoji was an enterprising officer of Sahu. He made some conquests in Gondavana and led an incursion into Katak, laying the foundation of Maratha expansion eastward. His proposals. that he should be allowed to maintain 200 horse, and Akola and Balapur in Paya Ghat should be restored to him, were not accepted. All was lost, once he lost the favour of Sahu. (James Grant Duff., Esq.-A History of The Marathas, Vol. I, p. 424, Calcutta, Published by R. Cambray and Co., Law Booksellers and Publishers, 9, Hastings Street, 1912.) The end of Kanhoji's political career in about 1730 A. D. opened up for Raghuji new opportunities in Berar, Nagpur and the region beyond to the east. |
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Raghuji Bhosle By suppressing the recalcitrant Kanhoji, Raghuji gained the favour of Chatrapati sahu. As already observed Sahu conferred on him the title of Senasaheb Subha and the right to collect cauthai from Berar, Gondavana Chattisgad, Allahabad, Makasudabad (Bengal) and Patna. According to Grant Duff on the occasion of granting these rights Raghuji gave a bond which stated (Ibid, p. 424.) :- 1. That he would maintain a body of 5,000 horse for the service of the State; These terms of the bond are important in determining Chatrapati-Raghuji and Pesva-Raghuji relations. Details of Raghuji's early life are not available. It seems that shortly after his birth his father Bimbaji died and he was brought up by his mother Kasibai and grandmother Bayabai at Pandava-vadi near Wai (District Satara). The child, it is said, was born by the grace of one Ramajipant Kolhatkar, a pious devotee of Rama and was, therefore, named Raghuji. There seems to be much truth in this story. Raghuji was a devotee of God Rama, though the family deity was Mahadev. He installed the new idol of Rama at Ramtek and was responsible for reviving the religious importance of this ancient place. In his letter-head he incorporated the word ‘Sitakanta’ meaning, the Lord of Sita in honour of his favourite God Rama. When Raghuji attained manhood he served in the army of his uncle Ranoji. Later he was with his other uncle Kanhoji at Bham. Raghuji did not fare well with Kanhoji and entered the services of Cand Sultan of Devagad. For some time he was also with the Navab of Ellicpur (NPI, p. 69.) Finally Raghuji decided to serve Chatrapati Sahu at Satara. During his stay there he was asked to accompany Fatehsingh Bhosle to the Karnatak where he distinguished himself as a capable soldier. When Raghuji's qualities as a soldier and leader of men came to the notice of Sahu, he appointed him against the disobedient Kanhoji. In the early part of his career Raghuji appears to have been a freelance soldier, shifting his loyalty from his uncle to the weak Gond Rajas. This was rather the time-honoured expedient resorted to by many an ambitious soldier. Raghuji was not slow to grasp the political situation prevailing in the area from the distant Karnatak to Gondavana and finally threw his lot with Sahu, who was by then a well-settled Chatrapati. This was indeed a wise decision which benefited Raghuji as also the Maratha expansion. After consolidating his position at Bham in Berar, Raghuji turned his attention to the Gond Kingdoms of Devagad, Gadha-Mandla Canda and Chattisgad. Internal dissensions in these kingdoms and their wars with other States were the occasions availed of by Raghuji for establishing his sway over them. In 1739-1740 Raghuji was sent to Karnatak by Sahu. Raghuji distinguished himself in this expedition. Returning from Karnatak he made the necessary arrangement for the invasion of Bengal and dispatched a large' army under the command of his General Bhaskarpant. Bengal invasion engaged Raghuji's attention for ten years, from 1741 to 1751 A. D. The net gain was the province of Orissa. It was during these years that the historic dispute between. Raghuji Bhosle and Balaji Pesva arose when their interest in the east clashed. Thus, broadly the chronological sequence of Raghuji's major exploits is - securing Berar by defeating his uncle Kanhoji; |
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Raghuji and the Gond Kingdoms
Devagad: Raghuji for sometime had sought service (RMSH, p. 171.) with Cand Sultan of Devagad after quitting his uncle Kanhoji at Bham with whom he had quarrelled. The details of Raghuji's service with Cand Sultan are not available from the known source-material. Cand Sultan died in about 1738. (NPI, pp. 71-74; also see RMSH, p. 173-As desired by the Rani Ratan Kuvar her “possessions were divided into three equal parts and one of them, namely that containing Gondavana Pavani, Marud, Multai and Barghat was given to Raghuji Sena Saheb” “He then lived in Nagpur and Devagad provinces.”) His illegitimate son Wali Sah killed Mir Bahaddar the legitimate son of Cand Sultan. Rani Ratankuvar, the widow of Cand asked for Raghuji's help as her two other sons Akbar and Burhan were minors. Raghuji at once proceeded from Bham and defeated Wali. Sah’s generals at Patansavangi. He next conquered Pavani to the south of Bhandara on the river Wainganga. This was a, strategic post. Raghuji appointed his own officer Tulojirampant. The fort of Bhanore or modern Bhandara was Raghuji's next target of attack. Wali Sah, from Devagad hurriedly dispatched an army under his divan Raghunathsing to relieve the pressure on Bhandara fort. Raghuji was camping at Sirasghat on the Wainganga. He split his army into two divisions stationing them at Sonbardi and Giroli. A select army under Raghuji Karande was sent to face the enemy with the instruction that it should take to its heels at a suitable time and lure Raghunathsing between the two Maratha divisions. Raghunathsing's army was entrapped, routed and drowned into the Wainganga. He himself was taken a prisoner in a wounded state and honourably sent back to Devagad with a view to capturing Wali sah by treachery. The fort of Bhandara was besieged. Its killedar resisted bravely for about 22 days but was finally forced to deliver it to the enemy. Raghuji next marched to Devagad. Wali Sah was advised by his divan Raghunathsing to go out of the fort. This was preplanned. In a skirmish outside the fort Wali was defeated and arrested. Rani Ratan Kuvar considered Raghuji as her third son and gave him the third part of her kingdom. She paid him rupees ten lacs for war expenses. In 1737, the Rani granted Raghuji a sanad of her one-third kingdom bestowed upon him. The sanad states that the fort of Pavani along with Ba1apur, paragana Mulatai with Cikhali and 156 villages under the said paragana, the whole of paragana Marud, were granted to Raghuji and his successors in perpetuity. (NPI, pp. 71-74; also see RMSH, p. 173-As desired by the Rani Ratan Kuvar her “possessions were divided into three equal parts and one of them, namely that containing Gondavana Pavani, Marud, Multai and Barghat was given to Raghuji Sena Saheb” “He then lived in Nagpur and Devagad provinces.”). The Rani also agreed that she would not enter into a treaty with any other power without the knowledge of Raghuji. With the possession of these parts of Devagad Raghuji shifted his headquarters from Bham to Nagpur. By 1748, the divan Raghunathsing attempted to break off his relations with Raghuji. The latter, therefore, brought Akbar and Burhan to Nagpur under his direct protection and care. (NPI., p.74.) Eventually their kingdoms came to be managed by Raghuji and the Gond house of Devagad shaded into insignificance. According to the account given in the bakhar (NBB) Raghuji secured a fresh sanad from sahu in 1738 A. D. bestowing upon him the right to collect cauthai and mokasa of Lucknow, Makasudabad, Bedar, Bengal, Bitia, Bundelkhand, Allahabad, Hajipur, Patna and Devagad., Gadha, Bhavargad and Canda (Ibid, p. 76,). This very information given by Wills runs as follows, “while returning from Satara Sahu Chatrapati bestowed Gondavana jhadi up to Katak free of revenue upon the Senasaheb Subha.”(RMSH, P.173.) Gondavana jhari is the ancient Zadi Mandala to the east of the Wardha river which included Nagpur, Bhandara, Canda, etc. Gadha-Mandla.-it seems that when Bajirav was busy fighting with the Nizam at Bhopa1 in 1736, Raghuji proceeded as far as Allahabad and exacted tribute from the Raja of Gadha-Mandla. Bajirav strongly resented this act. His son Ba1aji invaded Gadha-Mandla (NHM., Vol. II, p. 213. Raghuji complained to Sahu that Balaji captured his posts Gadha and Mandla, and ruined his paraganas Sivani and Chapar. The ruler of Mandla burnt himself to death to escape disgrace.) in 1742 on his way to Bengal. Raghuji who was engaged in his Bengal expedition at this time bitterly complained to Sahu of Balaji's encroachment upon Gadha-Mandla which was his sphere of activity. Along with Bengal, Allahabad, etc., Gadha-Mandla too was the bone of contention between Raghuji and Balaji. Both were finally reconciled to one another by Chatrapati Sahu in 1743. (Ibid, p. 219) Canda - The fate of the Gond rulers of Canda was sealed when Devagad and Gadha-Mandla had come under Raghuji's sway. During the reign of Rama Sah, Raghuji invaded Canda, but finding him a saintly king Raghuji was so impressed that he left the country unmolested. His successor Nilakanth sah had gained disrepute as a tyrant. To deliver the people of Canda from his tyranny Raghuji invaded his country and made him a captive. The successors of Nilakanth Sah were granted pension by Raghuji. Among the Gondavana territories of Raghuji Canda was next in importance to Nagpur. (NPI., p. 37.) Raghuji’s Karnatak expedition After the death of Aurangzeb the whole of Karnatak was in a state of chaos. The various principalities were trying to extend their territory at the cost of their neighbours. Karnatak, then, roughly included the territory to the south of Krsna bound by the Sahyadri and the Eastern Ghats. Aurangzeb had put Karnatak under the subhas of Bijapur and Hyderabad. The sanad of Cauthai granted to Sahu by Emperor Muhammad sah included Hyderabad and Bijapur Karnatak in addition to the four other subhas of the Deccan. According to this sanad the tributary states of Tanjore, Tricinopoly and Mysore were also subject to the levy of Cauthai.(A History of the Marathas, Vol. I. (1912), by James Grant Duff, p. 368.). The Nizam-ul-mulk as the subhedar of the Deccan claimed that all these territories belonged to him. The various navabs of Karnatak fought among themselves, the strongest of them trying to assert his authority over others by the simple law of might. The stronger navabs were those of Arcot, Sira, Kadappa, Karnool and Savanur. The principality of Tanjore from the days of Sahaji comprised the paraganas of Bangalore. Hoskot, Kolar, Balapur and sira. Its ruler Pratapsinha, Chatrapati Sahu's cousin, was constantly harassed by Canda Saheb, the son-in-law of Dost Ali, the navab of Arcot. Canda Saheb had usurped the kingdom of Tricinopoly by tempting its Rani Minaksi to form perpetual friendship with him. With the fall of Tricinopoly he cast his covetous eyes on Tanjore which belonged to Raja Pratapsinha. Pratapsinha appealed to sahu for help who dispatched a large force under Fatehsingh and Raghuji Bhosle. In April 1740 the Maratha forces attacked Area, killed the navab Dost Ali and took his divan Mir Asad, a prisoner in May 1740. With Area in their possession Raghuji and Fatehsingh laid siege to Tricinopoly, the stronghold of Canda Saheb. Raghuji was joined by Pratapsinha. Canda Saheb unable to receive aid from his brother Bada Saheb of Madura delivered the fort to Raghuji on 14th March 1741, the auspicious day of Ramanavami. Canda Saheb and his son Abid Ali were imprisoned by Raghuji and at once sent to Nagpur under the strict supervision of his general Bhaskar Ram. Later, in 1744 Raghuji freed these royal prisoners on payment of a ransom of Rs. 7.25 lacs from the bankers of Satara. Nothing is known about the place where Canda Saheb and his son were confined. Raghuji's leadership and tact in the Karnatak campaign at once enhanced his prestige at the court of Sahu. Pleased with his exploits Sahu conferred upon him the mokasa of Berar and Gondavana up to the frontiers of Katak. (NHM., Vol. II, pp. 253-57) During the war Canda Saheb had sent his treasure and zanana for safe custody to Dumas, the French Governor of Pondicerry. Raghuji, who had an eye on the wealth of the navab, at once reprimanded Dumas for sheltering his enemy. Dumas politely yet firmly refused to surrender the entrusted wealth and women. Raghuji's wrath was wafted away when he was presented a few fine champagne bottles by Dumas. Raghuji's wife is said to have been highly delighted with this French gift and asked for more. When Sahu came to know of this he is reported to have remarked that a kingdom was sold for a bottle of wine. Whatever the account of this story, its realistic side must not be lost sight of by historians. Dumas at Pondicerry was well-equipped with men and material. In the extreme hour of difficulty he would have easily escaped into the sea with his wealth and women, and Raghuji’s attack would have been rendered ineffective if he had chosen to launch one. Raghuji was not slow to understand the power of the French. Weighing things in mind Raghuji might have preferred an honourable retreat to a futile attack. Karnatak campaign gave Raghuji eminence at the court of Satara and eventually in the Maratha confederacy. It helped him in giving a status on par with the Pesvas. Raghujis raids on Bengal. Raghuji hurriedly returned to Nagpur as the Bengal affair was awaiting his presence. It was Kanhoji Bhosle who first led an incursion into the territory of Orissa or Katak taking advantage of the chaotic conditions prevailing there. Before he was defeated and sent to Satara as a prisoner by Raghuji Bhosle, Chatrapati Sahu granted Raghuji a sanad of Berar and Gondavana and of the right to collect cauthai of Chattisgad, Patna, Allahabad and Maksudabad (Mursidabad). (NPI., p. 61.) The date of his sanad 1723 A. D. is obviously incorrect. On this occasion the grant of mokasa of Devur near Wai to Raghuji is dated 1731, A. D. (Ibid, p. 59.). The sanad, of Chattisgad etc., up to Mursidabad, therefore, should also be roughly of the same date, i.e. 1730 or 1731 or an year earlier. It is not likely to have been given as. early as 1723 A. D. For this sanad of collecting cauthai from Chattisgad to Mursidabad sahu never obtained regular permission from the Moghals. In order to secure the cession of Malva under imperial seal Bajirav I endeavoured hard all his life. He forced the Nizam after defeating him at Bhopal in 1738 to obtain a sanad for Malva. (NHM., Vol. II, p. 159.) Actually Malva was given to the charge of his son Balaji as its deputy subhedar by an imperial farman as late as 1741 A. D. (Ibid, p. 202.) But Sahu when he allowed Raghuji Bhosle to extend his sway as far as Bengal and collect cauthai, had not actually obtained a royal farman from Delhi to that effect. The political condition of Bengal was precarious by about 1740. Bengal, Bihar and Orissa were, then, all under the navab. who resided at Mursidabad. Its able governor Mursid Qulikhan died in 1727. In 1740 his son-in-law Sarfaraz Khan who was the navab, was killed by an ambitious Turk in his service named Alivardi Khan. (Ibid, p. 209.) Alivardi's usurpation was hated by the partisans of the dead navab. The strong faction at Alivardi's court was headed by an able Persian of Siraz, by name Mir Habib who had risen to the position of deputy navabship of Orissa from very humble beginnings. He had made offers to Raghuji in the Bengal territory if he undertook an invasion. This was a very tempting offer to Raghuji who had been waiting to extend his sphere of influence to the east of Nagpur. Rather he considered the region from Nagpur to Bengal as his special field of activity. His brilliant successes in Karnatak had strengthened his claim which had the full support of Chatrapati Sahu who had granted him a sanad to that effect. When Raghuji was in Karnatak Mir Habib had been to Nagpur urging Bhaskar Ram to invade Bengal. But Bhaskar Ram waited till his master returned home from the distant Karnatak. On his return from Karnatak Raghuji made thorough preparations and sent a force of ten thousand under the able command of Bhaskar Ram. On the auspicious day of Dasara of 1741, Bhaskar Ram set out for the expedition. He marched through Ramgad plundering Pacet (60 miles or 96.540 km. east of Ranci) on the way to Burdvan. Alivardi Khan camping at Burdvan (15th April 1742) with his slender army was surprised by the Maratha forces. Bhaskar Ram employed half of his army in looting the area adjacent to Burdvan. The Khan finding himself helpless sent his agents to Bhaskarpant begging for peace. The negotiations, however, fell through as Pant demanded rupees ten lacs as peace price. The Khan secretly left Burdvan for Katva hotly chased by the Marathas. As it was then the month of May Bhaskar decided to return to Nagpur to avoid the fury of monsoon. He, however, changed his plan at the prospect of obtaining immense booty from Mursidabad as designed by Mir Habib. Mir Habib with a light Maratha force fell on Mursidabad and returned to Katva loaded with booty worth two to three crores. Alivardi reached his capital just a day late-7th May-when it had been denuded of its wealth by the Marathas.During the rainy season the Marathas and Mir Habib established their sway as far as Calcutta. They took back Orissa. The East India Company dug a ditch round their factory known as the Maratha Ditch. The Maratha camp at Katva was busy celebrating the Durga puja festival on 18th September 1742. It was attacked on 27th September by Alivardi's forces compelling them to run for safety helter-skelter. Bhaskar Ram escaped towards Pacet. He had to give up the outposts of Burdvan, Hugli and Hijli. Katak was retaken by Alivardi and he returned to Mursidabad on 9th February 1743. Bhaskar Ram informed Raghuji of this discomfiture requesting him to despatch aid immediately. Raghuji however could not send succour to Bhaskar Ram owing to his clash with Balaji Bajirav Pesva. The Pesva had left Poona as early as 1741 with a view to putting a stop to Raghuji's activities in Bengal. He consolidated his position in Malva with the help of Malharrav Holkar, and captured Gadha, Mandla, plundering Sivani and Chapar. Alivardi was terribly afraid on learning these activities of the Pesva, as he was expecting a joint attack by the Pesva and Raghuji. The Pesva, however, offered to help the emperor and Ahvardi Khan against Raghuji if he were granted the cauthai right of Malva, Bundelkhand and Allahabad. The Emperor readily agreed to this proposal and sent the Pesva to relieve Alivardi. On 1st February 1743, the Pesva and his vast army took a bath in the holy waters of the Ganga and the Yamuna at Prayag. Thence he proceeded to Mursidabad where he had a meeting with Alivardi near Plassey on 30th March, 1743. Alivardi agreed to pay the cauthai of Bengal to Sahu and rupees twenty-two lacs to Balaji towards the expenditure of the army(OUM., p.11). A meeting between Raghuji and Balaji earlier could nor bring any tangible result(NHM., vol. II, p. 216). The Pesva’s army actually clashed with that of Raghuji's in the Bendu pass near Pacet. The rear part of Raghuji's army was attacked and plundered by the Pesva. From Pacet Raghuji made good for Nagpur and the Pesva too started back for Poona via Gaya(Ibid, p. 217). Chatrapati Sahu who had known the deep-rooted rivalry between Balaji and Raghuji called them to Satara and brought about a reconciliation which was respected by both the parties. Had the breach been neglected it would have certainly been detrimental to the interest of the Maratha power in India. Raghuji and Balaji signed an agreement at Satara in the presence of the Chatrapati on 31st August 1743. By this, all the territory from Berar to the east reaching Katak, Bengal and Lucknow was assigned to Raghuji, and that to the west of this line including Ajmer, Agra, Prayag and Malva to Balaji Pesva. None was to interfere with other's sphere(Ibid, p. 219). Freed from the troubles with the Pesva, the Senasaheb Subha retuoc-ned to Nagpur from Satara and sent an expedition into Bengal under Bhaskar Ram with a view to making up the lost ground. Bhaskarpant left Nagpur early in 1744. Together with Mir Habib he harassed Alivardi pressing him to pay cauthai. Driven to desperateness Alivardi hatched a plot to kill Bhaskar by deceit. Through his agents he invited Bhaskar for a meeting. It was arranged at Mankura between Amniganj and Katva when both the parties had pledged not to do any mischief by touching the Kuran and Ganga water. Mir Habib had warned Bhaskar of the Khan's evil intention. But the brave and over-confident Bhaskar went to a parley with the Khan accompanied by a few select men. When Bhaskarpant took a seat in front of the Navab the latter gave a signal as pre-planned and the hiding Muslim soldiers cut Bhaskar and his comrades to pieces. Twenty-two Maratha chiefs were killed. This tragic event took place on 31st March 1744.(OUM, p. 12) Bhaskar Ram's murder was an irreparable loss to Raghuji and he never forgot the treacherous act of the Khan. With a view to punishing the Khan, Raghuji started with fourteen thousand horses, crossed the mountainous tract and putting Sambalpur to his left reached Orissa in March 1745. Durlabhram, the new deputy governor of Orissa, who was taken by surprise entered the fort of Barabati for safety. The fort was besieged by Raghuji, Durlabhram soon surrendered to Raghuji and found himself a prisoner in his camp, but the siege continued as another officer, Abdul Aziz offered stiff resistance. Alivardi was unable to send supplies to Abdul Aziz at the approach of the rainy season. Abdul therefore surrendered the fort to Raghuji on 12th May 1745, after bravely defending it for two months. When the siege was on the Marathas occupied Orissa as far as Midnapur and Hugli, and plundered Burdvan (Ibid, p. 14). After capturing the fort of Barabati the Marathas moved to Burdvan. At the invitation of a number of disgruntled Afghans Raghuji marched towards Bihar. An indecisive battle was fought at Mehib Alipur and Alivardi ran towards Mursidabad on 21st December 1745. At Ramdighi near Katva Raghuji received a terrible set-back and left for Nagpur in January of 1746. He stationed three thousand Marathas under Mir Habib on the understanding that he would pay rupees eleven lacs for the use of his army (OUM., pp.15,16). In order to checkmate the Marathas Alivardi sent his men from Mursidabad in November 1746. They inflicted a crushing defeat upon the Marathas at Midnapur. The Marathas fled towards Balasore through Jalesvar.(NHM., vol. II, p. 224) By this time Janoji Bhosle appeared on the scene. He reached Katak for the rescue of Mir Habib. A stiff battle ensued between Janoji and Alivardi, but as the rains were on, the latter returned to Mursidabad leaving the Marathas masters of Orissa up to Midnapur throughout the year 1747. The plundering operations of the Marathas continued unabated. Janoji returned to Nagpur on hearing the news of his mother's death. Mil Habib was at Midnapur with a Marathas force to help him. Raghuji sent his son Sabaji for the assistance of Habib. In 1748 Alivardi reached Balasore and despatched his army to drive away the Maratas who were making preparations to plunder the English factory under the command of Nilo Pandit. He in vain tried to search for the force under Habib, who was hiding in the jungles of Katak. He then made a surprise attack on the fort of Barabati and was finally able to take it in his possession. In June, 1749, Alivardi returned to Bengal. Mir Habib with the Maratha force reappeared at Katak. Alivardi had to postpone his attack on the Marathas as the rains had set in. On his reaching Mursidabad he was taken ill in October, 1749(OUM., pp.16, 17). From October, 1749 to March, 1751, the Marathas did not allow Alivardi to rest. They harassed him by avoiding an open war when he came out with a large army from Mursidabad. In 1750 when Alivardi was at Midnapur the Marathas quickly marched towards Mursidabad plundering all the way. Durlabhram and Mir Jafar the officers who were stationed at Midnapur were nervous and unable to check the Maratha inroads. This lingering war was a great drain on Alivardi's resources and men. The territory under him was a house divided against itself. In 1750 Alivardi was a man of 75, physically ailing. As the situation was intolerable his shrewd wife advised him to negotiate with the Marathas(NHM., vol. II, p. 224). Old Alivardi accepted his wife's counsel and deputed Mir Jafar to meet Janoji and Mir Habib to settle the terms of peace. For more than a couple of years Janoji was in Orissa(NPI., p. 98) or Raghuji was busy with the political affairs at Satara and Nagpur. The treaty was signed in May, 1751:- , (1) Mir Habib was to be confirmed in the Government of Orissa as the deputy Subhedar of Mursidabad. (2) The Navab was to pay annually 12 lacs of rupees to the Bhosles of Nagpur for the cauthai of Bengal and Bihar. (3) When these amounts were regularly paid, the Bhosles were not to harass the two provinces. (4) The district of Katak, i.e., the territory up to the river Suvarnarekha was to be considered as the possession of the Bhosles.( NHM., vol. II, 224, Dr. B. C. Ray in his Orissa under Marathas, p. 20, expresses doubt regarding the exactness of the terms of the treaty. But from the treaty of Devganv, 1803, it is certain that Katak and Balssore were surrendered to the British by the Bhosles. This means that Katak and Balasore were with the Bhosles upto 1803, since their conquest.) After a long struggle lasting for nearly ten years, Raghuji was able to establish his right of collecting cauthai from Bengal and Bihar. The province of Katak as far as Suvarnarekha came under his possession. This was the greatest achievement of Raghuji Bhosle crowning his earlier successes. The smaller states of Raipur, Ratanpur, Bilaspur and Sambalpur of Chattisgad area were conquered by Bhaskar Ram during the first two raids of Bengal. Raghuji's illegitimate son Mohansingh D. was in charge of these States (NPI., p. 100). |

